


c° V ° ** 







. I 









^r 



^0« 



V 






° J* 

•>- A 





















^ < 



o 



.o 






\/ 



•: . 



A V 



V V 












A 









O. * » , i * »0 






*> 

^ 



' ,0*" 




'•> ' 







•: 



O N ° ^ V " « , 1 ° ,U 







•/- 



^ 



^ ^ 



V 



•a* 








v\ 



•v 



-> 







o V 



V 






yz 



r«+, 



o V 









v** 



** .•'• 






^ 
*£ 



o V 



.£. r\ 



+mJ 



C 



^ 



" o 






0' 



THE FOUNDATION 

of the 

Republic of Ireland 

IN THE VOTE OF THE PEOPLE 



Results of the General Election of December, 

1918 — a National Plebiscite held 

under British Law and British 

Supervision. 



EAMON DE VALERA 



The Republic of Ireland 

The Basis of Ireland's Right. 

Ireland is a distinct and separate nation, older than England. It is 
the oldest nation in Europe except Greece. 

The Irish people have never accepted any partnership or union with 
England; they have all at times resisted to the utmost every attempt 
of the British to rule them. 

The first 400 years of the attempted English occupation was prac- 
tically one continuous armed struggle ; the last 300 has seen insurrec- 
tion after insurrection against the usurping foreign power. 

The so-called Union with Britain was brought about by violence 
and by fraud. Gladstone said this "Union" was "carried by means so' 
indescribably foul and vile that it can have no moral title for exist- 
ence whatever." It has been maintained only by armed force, and by 
the denial of all civil liberty. It was enacted immediately following 
the insurrection of '98, and, since its passage, there have been already, 
despite the odds to be faced, no less than four other armed insurrec- 
tions, the last of which was the insurrection of Easter Week, 1916. 

The object of each of these insurrections was complete national 
independence. Irishmen hated British rule, and desired to get rid of 
it, not alone because in practice it worked out as British domination 
and British exploitation, but because in principle it was the rule of the 
foreigner. 

And so it is today. Those who would fully understand the attitude of 
Irishmen toward Britain must, therefore, remember that were British rule 
in Ireland as beneficent as some of the British would make it out to be — 
were it as clearly to the material advantage of Ireland as it is clearly 
to her detriment, Irishmen and Irishwomen would still just as deter- 
minedly claim that God-given right to rule themselves. 

A Republic the Desire of the People. 

Ever since the American colonies declared for a Republic in 1776, 
those who sought for Irish independence sought it in the form of an 
independent republic. The purpose of the leaders was in this way 
made clear and definite. The fact that the insurgents did not receive 
active support from the whole populace has lent color to the British 
contention that these insurrections represented simply the extremist 
ideals of a few fanatical malcontents. To the stranger this appears 
plausible enough, but everyone who knows Irish history and Ireland 
at first hand knows it to be false. 

The real reason why the insurrections since 1800 were not uprisings 
of the people en masse was not that the people were unsympathetic 
with the object in view, but that they were mostly unarmed* while 
many even of those who had arms were deterred by the knowledge of 
the magnitude of the task, and the inadequacy of the means at their 
disposal to complete it. Thev felt that success in a military way was 
almost out of the question. Only by a miracle, they knew, could their 
sacrifices bear material fruit. It needed a lively faith to engage in 



such enterprises under such circumstances, and only those who had that 
faith engaged mi them. 

The attempt of any people to win by arms their liberty from a 
strong external power is always opposed, not merely by those who 
consider the object in view to be undesirable, but also by those who 
consider it to be unrealizable. Why should it be thought strange that 
these two classes should be included in the opposition to the attempt in 
Ireland? 

The public unfortunately do not always differentiate between the 
two classes, and the British Government has taken care to make full 
use of the public's negligence in order to misrepresent the Irish 
"rebels," as they choose to call them, in the eyes of foreign peoples 
especially. The British carefully confused these classes in their repre- 
sentation of former Irish insurrections ; they confused them in the case 
of the insurrection of 1916, and they confused them again to mask the 
full significance of the elections of 1918. 

A Republic Proclaimed. 

The leaders of the 1916 insurrection proclaimed, on going into 
action, a republic. This, they were convinced, was the heart's desire 
of the great majority of the people of Ireland. This, too, was the 
equally well founded conviction of former insurgent leadeYs, but those 
of 1916 were fortunate in that, by a subsequent vote of the people, 
their conviction was put to the test and was proved beyond question 
to be founded on reality. 

It was to supply this proof that the survivors of 1916 were nomi- 
nated as candidates for Parliament. They wanted that question put 
to the Irish people so that the people themselves might answer. 

The people did anstver unequivocally, and History will yet record that 
answer, particularly if America will now act upon it, as one of the mile- 
stones in the evolution 'of democracy. 

The answer was given, first, in the bye-elections here and there, as 
they occurred in the years of 1917 and 1918, and then in a complete 
and final manner in the elections of December, 1918. 

The General Elections of December, 1918. 

These elections were general— that is, they were held in every one 
of the electoral districts throughout the country. They were by 
ballot on the basis of adult suffrage, so that practically every grown 
man and woman in the island could vote. They were in effect a plebiscite 
of the whole nation, and so it is impossible for anyone any longer to 
pretend that what the Irish people want is not definitely known. 

Leaving out of account the four university* seats, whose occupants 
were elected on a special, restricted and, in fact, duplicated franchise — 
not to be considered in a plebiscite — -Ireland is divided into electoral 
districts which return a total of 101 representatives. Of these repre- 
sentatives elected in December, 1918, seventy-two (72) belonged to 

*The four University seats were won by one (1) Republican, two (2) 
Unionists and one (1) Independent Unionist, the National University of Dub- 
lin returning the first and Queens of Belfast, with Trinity of Dublin, returning 
the Unionists. The poll gave 2,832 votes against British connection and 4,184 
for it. 



the Sinn Fein party — that is, stood unequivocally for an Independent 
Irish Republic; six (6) belonged to the old Parliamentary party 
(these were self-determinationists and did not oppose the ideal of a 
republic as such, except on the ground that it was in their view un- 
attainable) ; twenty-one (21) belonged to the Unionist party proper; 
and two (2) were Independent Unionists. 

Reckoned, therefore, in terms of the number of representatives 
elected, the Republicans have a majority of practically two and one- 
half (2^) to one (1) over all parties, and the self-determinationists 
(Republicans and Parliamentarians taken together) have a majority 
of nearly three and one-half (3}i) to one (1) standing against the 
idea of union with Britain. 

Reckoning more directly in terms of the vote of the people, we find 
only 311,210 votes were cast for theUnion out of a total of 1,519,898 — 
that is, a bare 20 per .cent. 

The Issue Was Clearly Put to the People. 

That the issue in the elections were put fairly and squarely before 
the people by the Republican candidates cannot be questioned. Dur- 
ing the election campaign the Sinn Fein party issued a manifesto to 
the nation that put its program in unmistakable terms. This mani- 
festo proclaimed that the Republican candidates stood faithfully by 
the proclamation of the provisional government of the insurgents of 
Easter Week, 1916. It asked the Irish people to rally to the flag of 
the Irish Republic, the establishment of which the Sinn Fein party 
desired and which it proposed to secure 

(1) By withdrawing the Irish representation from the British 
Parliament, 

(2) By denying the right and opposing the will of the 
British Government or any foreign government to legislate 
for Ireland, and 

(3) By convening a national assembly of those elected 
from the Irish constituencies to be the supreme authority for 
the nation — an authority which would speak and act in the 
name of the Irish people, would develop Ireland socially, politi- 
cally, and economically, and act governmentally without favor 
in the interests of the whole people of Ireland. 

Those who voted for the Republican candidates knew then that they 
were voting for complete independence, for the ratification of the 
republic established in 1916, for the repudiation of the British Parlia- 
ment, and for the whole policy of active opposition to the British 
occupation. 

Decisive Results. 

How, then, can any fair-minded man or woman who really cares for 
truth fail to recognize the truth here and fail to acknowledge the de- 
cisiveness of the results obtained in these elections as indicating un- 
mistakeaby the will of the Irish people? 

The more these results are analyzed the more convincing is the 



proof they supply of the overwhelming desire of the vast majority ot 
the people for an independent republic and for the severance forever 
of the present forced political connection with Britain. 

Results by Provinces. 

Consider the results by provinces. 

The Province of Connaught elects thirteen (13) members. Every 
one elected was a Republican. 

The Province of Munster elects twenty-four (24) members. Every 
one of these, with a single exception,* was a Republican. 

The Province of Leinster elects twenty-seven (27), and of these, 
again every one was a Republican, with a single exception.f 

The Province of Ulster, heralded as a stronghold of British senti- 
ment, elects thirty-seven (37) members. Twenty (20) of these are of 
the official Unionists; two (2) are Independent Unionists, while 
fifteen (15) are opposed to the British connection. $ 

Ulster has nine counties. The self-determinationists polled a ma- 
jority in no less than five of the nine, and secured the entire represen- 
tation in three; while the Unionists secured a majority in four only, 
and were able to secure the entire representation in none. So that in 
every one of Ulster's nine (9) counties at least one representative! 
hostile to the British connection was elected. 

In this province of Ulster, outside of County Antrim, there werei 
elected as many as fourteen (14) representatives opposed to Britain 
to the ten (10) Unionists in favor of Britain. 

It was in the County Antrim alone, which includes Belfast city, 
that the Unionists secured anything like a homogeneous predomi- 
nance. 

Antrim, with Belfast, is given as many as thirteen (13) representa- 
tives. No less than twelve (12) of these returned were Unionists — 
thus over one-half of the total popular Unionist representation in Ire- 
land comes from a single county. This one county of Antrim — which 
elects two (2) Independent Unionists and ten (10) official Unionists 
— is the actual zone of the "Ulster question," in so far as there is an 
Ulster "question." 

It is in this one county alone — one (1) out of thirty-two (32) — 
that the conditions in any way resemble what a careful propaganda 
has made them appear to be throughout the whole of Ulster. Here 
alone is there any basis in truth for the notion popularly believed in, 
that the Unionists form a "homogeneous block." Even in this county 



*Waterford City elected John Redmond's son— a self-determinationist. 

fin Rathmines, a suburb of Dublin, the Unionist won by only 54 votes 
the combined Nationalist or self-determinationist vote. 

JThese last include ten (10) Republicans and five (5) of the Parliamentary 
party, standing for self-determination. Even London's political authorities 
concede that all these constituencies are now with one exception Republican. 



of Antrim itself the people are not homogeneously Unionist, but it 
is here the statement that they are comes nearest the truth.* 

Results by Counties. 

In Ireland, as stated, there are thirty-two (32) counties. In no one 
county was an entirely Unionist representation elected. In four only did the 
Unionists poll even a majority. 

Compare this with the Republicans, who polled a majority in no 
less than twenty-seven (27) counties and secured the entire represen- 
tation in as many as twenty-four (24). 

Further, not a single one of the six Irish boroughs returned an en- 
tirely Unionist representation, whereas four out of the six returned 
an entirely Republican representation. In only one of the six Irish 
boroughs is the Unionist representation even a majority. 

The Map. 

The accompanying map (in center), then, while it may dispel many 
false notions as regards the Irish political divisions, gives but a very im- 
perfect picture of the situation, for it indicates the local majorities only 
and does not show the local minorities at all. 

77 helps, in fact, in a way to foster the erroneous impression that the north- 
east corner is a solid, homogeneous political block, which, of course, as the 
election results indicate, is not the casef. Those who stand for the 
national ideal are to be found in every part of the island, just as the 
Unionists also are to be found scattered through every part as are 
also Catholics and Protestants. 

Conditions Under Which the Elections Held Unfavorable 

to the Republicans. 

The results of this historic election must appear decisive even to 
those who but casually examine them — how very decisive only those 
realize who appreciate fully the conditions and circumstances under 
which the elections were held. 

To start with, one must bear in mind that these elections were all 
held under British law and that the whole election machinery was 
British, from the British nominated sheriffs to the British employed 
policemen. The elections were called at a time chosen by the British 
Prime Minister himself to suit British interests, not, of course, to suit 
the Irish Republicans. 

During the time in which the elections were being held, and for 
two years preceding the elections, subsequent to the insurrection of 
1916, Ireland was suffering from all the rigors of British war-time 
regulations. It was, in fact, governed almost solely by martial law. 

All who stood for the Republican ideals were proscribed. Republi- 
can candidates were flung into jail on the flimsiest, trumped-up 



*The anti-Union minority in Antrim almost is relatively as large as the 
Union minority in the whole of Ireland. In so far as there is any Ulster question 
in the sense in which it is commonly understood, it is not an Ulster question, but an 
Antrim question. It might, in fact, be said to be in a final analysis purely a Belfast" 
city question. 

fHow many Americans who have been listening to the Ulster "homogene- 
ous" Protestant block theory, I wonder, realize that in the city of Belfast alone 
there are, reckoning absolutely, more who support the Nationalist ideal and 
who oppose the British connection that there are in the city of Cork itself? 



charges, and often on no charges at all. The May immediately preced- 
ing the election a hundred Republican leaders, men and women, were 
thrown into jail and kept there without trial on the general charge of 
supposed complicity in a supposed German plot, the existence of which 
Lord Wimborne, the British Lord Lieutenant of Ireland during the 
period, publicly called into question in a speech in the British House 
of Lords.* During the election campaign itself there was hardly a 
district in Ireland where some of the pivotal members of the local 
Sinn Fein election organization were not seized and thrown into jail. 
Three successive Directors-General of the Republican election or- 
ganization were seized, one after another, the last within a few weeks 
of the polls, and deported to English prisons without trial or charge. 

Every method that suggested itself for disorganizing the Sinn Fein 
election machinery was utilized. In some cases even the very pri- 
maries — the constituency meetings held to select candidates — were 
broken up by the soldiery and armed police. It was in the woods and 
out-of-the-way places that the meetings at which some of the candi- 
dates were selected had to be held. Only twenty-six (26) of the 
seventy-three (73) Sinn Fein candidates were out of prison. Even 
some of those at liberty were prevented by armed force from address- 
ing the electors. Republican newspapers were everywhere sup- 
pressed. The entire press of the country was subjected to British 
censorship. Free speech, free assemblage were everywhere denied. 
Republican headquarters, central and local, were constantly raided ; 
lists seized and pamphlets and leaflets ruthlessly destroyed every- 
where ; posters and handbills put up by Republicans were torn down 
by the military and the police. 

The whole power of the British Government, in fact, was used not 
merely to prevent a verdict favorable to the Republicans, but to se- 
cure a verdict favorable to Britain. From British ministry wagons 
and British aeroplanes pamphlets were distributed among the people 
warning them against voting for the Republican candidates. All who 
opposed the Republican candidates could speak as freely as they 
chose ; every facility was given them ; every opportunity was denied 
those who would speak in their favor. The public press, the powers 
of patronage and dismissal, cajolery and intimidation were all actively 
employed. Dismissal faced all civil officeholders who dared identify 
themselves with the Republican cause, and the people generally were 
given forcibly to understand what they might expect in the way of 
British repression if the ideals of the Republic triumphed at the polls. 

When we would weigh, then, the results of these general elections 
of 1918, we must remember that they were results obtained despite all 
this intimidation and opposition of Britain — despite the addition to 
the question of ideals the confusing question of the best policy to 
secure them ; despite, too, the natural inertia of party, which tended 
to keep the people still aligned behind the old Parliamentarians — the 
"Nationalists." Everything almost that could be conceived to operate 
in securing a result unfavorable to the republic was there — even to the 
imposition of a fine on $750 on each successful Republican candidate.f 



*There was no such plot. — E.d.V. 

tThis would be returned on taking oath of allegiance to the British King. 



?. 2 




Jg CO « 


t! 






U"« 


_) 


; t< s . 

"* cs 


o 


bta$ 


u 

c 


o^s 


> 


T3 - 


t- 


f) 25 


a . 




H S« 


<fl V 


►J d 


CQ« fe 


REPU 

24, 1916; 
Decemb 


25 
•5° 




O D 


W^ 


<U 


F TH 

med Ap 
declar 




3 o 


C 

<o — 


o S 


*r 


a. 2 8 


?? 


<^u . 


OJ o 


s ~£ 


s- 10 
0) 




*> (0 




W (8 

3„ 




t o 




ci > 
re-* « 









d p- 



TO 4) 

5 o 

*:? 

«^ e 

■fa S 3 

C - • 

*~ « 

cs 5 ti 

ft o 

in a) q 

5« s 



■•£ <5 tod 



re (o c 
+j «- 
o •- *> 
5 re > 
^ ao 



o .£> 



TO c3 



3« ra 



(8 >> 

_ £1 

re c 
3 o-a 

:ss 



CO °> 3 
^ — 4> £_ 
O '".E 4> 

.«.. rt 



.5 o-w 

d 

a>^- <-> 

• o d to 

2 C~ eg 
<m a) d£ 
>? C C<" 

t* -1 d O 






bo c 

i -° 

Stop! 

O c 0) 

12 " M 

*o 2-* 
d«^ 

i C TO 



otSgg 
<d£oC~ 

3 U TO 

o « P.? >> 






eg 



ra 



.t! « 



S c C 



>» 4* 

"at 
= a. =5. 



fa"« £ 






c55 



rt 



U 



«fcc 



HOI'S 

O t-,2 <D 

t* r-H +J fc^ 

*h <u d w cu 

A p 3 



to. 



' CO 



en 



N TO >» 



>>5 



5 3 
o 



.2 =-a a>+J 

rt to c 

<p d 

d o 

>. ft> 
re 



— re 5 3 
■Q "a.o.5 
3 w a-r 
°- 2 " o >> 

a ™ ° ? 



TO 



3 -C 

K P *> 



TO % 



: «> -o -2, to 

1 £ c re ic3™ 
rt £ 5 'H to 



* >■§■ 

O > Li 

w 5 "^ 

CD -C • 

« <H -U 

moo 

■g 3 C 



J3 ^pC 1-1 d 

^W TO C (^ 

toC c: d 

a> C *T 

Tci fJ <p 

^ rt §c?S 

B TO S fc. 

it! 



"S<i)3r , iu cjoij-t! 

««!o 2 «*■£ o p «" 

S iJ^ rt- ^-m S d*i<p , S 
05.5 5* §2=^ 

C ?*^rtPS lr d 

TO" SgjJa*"- 

« fc P d ft - . 



- n° c - 

a." TO c 
3 u 4) .5 

P 4) -H C 

o DC "> n< 

•t — o£ 

X 4) r-.£ rt 

W TJoTJ «j 



The Government cf the Republic is the De Jure Government 

of Ireland 

Bear in mind all the circumstances then ; look at the map ; study the 
figures of this election, and deny, if you can, that the Republic of 
Ireland has been established with and by the consent of the Irish peo- 
ple. Deny that the conviction of those who offered up their lives in 
1916 to found the republic, believing a republic to be the desire of 
the people, was well founded. Deny that the Republican representa- 
tives represent the people. Deny that the government of the republic 
is the government of the people — is the legitimate government of 
Ireland. 

APPENDIX 

For those who wish to study the results in detail the following is 
appended : 

Outside of the four (4) University seats, Ireland at the last election 
returned one hundred and one (101) representatives: 

Republican (supporting an Irish Republic) 72 

Nationalist (demanding self-determination) 6 

Unionists favoring union with England official 21 

Independent 2 



Rep. 


Nat. 


Un. 


Ind. Un. 


1,644 


813 




.... REPUBLICAN 


118 




1,487 


.... UNIONIST 




257 


1,904 


793 UNIONISTand 
IN.UNIONIST 



101 
University Seats. 

National (Dublin, Cork, 

Galway, etc.) 

Queen's (Belfast 

Dublin (Trinity) 

Total 1,762 1,070 3,391 793 

Details of Popular Electoral Returns. 

The following figures are the official returns of the vote polled in 
the different constituencies in Ireland, by counties, boroughs and 
provinces. These statistics, as compiled and published by both Irish 
and British authorities, are identical. 

Province of Leinster. 

Rep. Nat. 
Louth County 10,770 10,515 REPUBLICAN 

Meath, North 6,982 3,758 REPUBLICAN 

South 6,371 2,680 REPUBLICAN 



Meath County 13,353 6,438 



Province of Leinster 



Dublin, North .... 
South .... 
Pembroke 
Rathmines 



Rep. 
9,138 
5,133 
6,114 
5,566 



Dublin County seats 25,951 

Wicklow, W«st 6,239 

East 5,916 



Wicklow County 12,155 

Wexford, North 10,162 

South 8,729 



Wexford County 
Kilkenny, North 
South . 



18,891 
16,113 

8,685 



Kilkenny County 24,798 

King's County 25,702 

Queen's County 13,452 

Westmeath County . 12,435 

Longford County 11,122 

Kildare, North 5,979 

South 7,104 



Kildare County 
Carlow County 



Dublin, Clontarf 

College Grn. 

Harbour 

St. James' . . 
St. Michan's . , 
Stephen's Gn. 
St. Patrick's . 



13,083 
16,135 

5,974 
9,662 
7,708 
6,256 
7,553 
8,461 
7,835 



Total for Leinster 251,296 

Percentage 63.6 



Nat. 
4,428 
3,819 
2,629 
1,780 

12,656 
1,370 
2,466 

3,836 
7,189 
8,211 

15,400 

1,855 

1,855 

6,480 
4,061 
4,173 
3,722 
1,545 

4,267 



3,228 
2,853 
5,386 
1,556 
3,996 
2,902 
4,064 



Un. 



Total for Dublin City 53,449 23,985 



93,666 

25.57 



4,354 
4,138 
7,400 

15,892 

2,600 

2,600 



2,755 



2,755 

21,247 
5.8 



Province of Connaught. 



Galway, Connemara 
North 



East . 
South 



11,754 

8,896 

17,777 

10,621 



Galway County 49,048 

Mayo, North 7,429 

West 10,195 

South 21,567 

East 8,975 



3,482 
3,999 

1,744 

9,225 
1,761 
7,568 

4,514 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
UNIONIST 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 

REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



Mayo County 48.166 



13,843 



Province of Connaught — Continued 

Un. 



Sligo, North 
South 



Rep. 
9,030 
9,113 



Sligo County 18,143 

Leitrim County 17,711 

Roscommon, North 21,258 

South 10,685 



Roscommon County 31,943 

Total for Connaught 165,011 

Percentage , 81.8 



Nat. 



4,242 
1,988 




REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 


6,230 
3,096 

4,323 




REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 


4,323 

36,717 

18.2 


Nil 



REPUBLICAN 



Province of Munster. 



Waterford County 
Cork, North 

Northeast . . 

Mid 

East 

West 

South 

Southeast . . 



12,890 
17,949 
18,239 
16,632 
19,022 
16,659 
17,593 
17,419 



Cork County seats 123,513 

Kerry, North 17,600 

West 18,853 

South 16,835 

East 17,222 



Limerick County 35,312 

Clare, East 23,511 

West 21,674 



Clare County 45,185 

Tipperary, North 16,455 

Mid 17,458 

South 8,744 

East 7,487 



Tipperary County 50,144 

Limerick City 17,121 

Cork City 41,307 



Waterford City 



4,431 



Total for boroughs 62,859 

Total for Munster 400,413 

Percentage 91.0 



4,217 



Kerry County 70,510 

Limerick, West 22,562 

East 12,750 3,608 



3,608 



2,701 
4,794 

7,495 

'14,642 

4,915 

19,557 

34,877 
8.0 



4,773 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 
REPUBLICAN 

(2 members) 
NATIONALIST 



4,773 

4,773 
1.0 



Province of Ulster. 



In Ulster, in eight seats, an arrangement was come to between. Sinn 
Fein and the Parliamentary party to prevent seats falling to the 
Unionists on a minority vote. These seats are indicated thus §. The 
column headed "Self-determination Vote" is the total of the Sinn Fein 
and so-called Nationalist vote. 



Cavan, W. 
E. 



S.D. 

Rep. Nat. Vote 

22,270 22,270 

21,148 21,148 



Un. 



hid. Un. 



Cavan County 
Donegal, No. 

S. .. 

W. . 

E.§ . 



43,418 

7,003 

5,787 

6,712 

40 



Donegal County. 19,452 

Monaghan, N 6,842 

S 7,524 



3,075 
4,752 
4,116 
7,596 

19,539 
2,709 
4,413 



Monaghan Co. 

Tyrone, N E§ 
NW.§ 
S. ... 



14,366 7,122 

56 11,605 

10,442 

5,437 2,602 



Tyrone County 

Fermanagh, N. 

S.§ 



Fermanagh Co. 
Armagh, N. . 

Mid. 

S.§ 



Armagh Co. 

Derry, N. . . 

S. ., 



Derry Co. 

Down, N. 



seats. 



15,935 
6,236 
6,673 

12,909 

2,860 

5,688 

79 

8,627 
3,951 
3,425 



14,207 



132 



132 



4,345 
4,345 
3,981 



43,418 
10,078 
10,539 
10,828 
7,636 

39,081 
9,551 
11,937 

21,488 

11,661 

10,442 

8,039 

30,142 
6,236 
6,805 

13,041 
2,860 
5,688 
4,424 

12,972 
3,951 
7,406 



W. 
Mid. 
E.§ 
S.§ 



Down Co. . . 
Antrim, N. . 

Mid. 

E. . 

S. . 



Antrim Co. 



1,725 

707 

3,876 

33 

6,344 
2,673 
2,791 
861 
2,318 

8,643 



4,312 
8,756 

13,068 



1,725 

707 

8,188 

8,789 



19,409 

2,673 

2,791 

861 

2,318 



REPUBLICAN. 
REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN 

REPUBLICAN 

REPUBLICAN 

4,797 NATIONALIST 



4,797 

4,497 REPUBLICAN 

REPUBLICAN 



4,497 

6,681 NATIONALIST 

7,696 REPUBLICAN 

10,616 UNIONIST 



24,993 

6,768 UNIONIST 

4,524 REPUBLICAN 



11,292 

10,239 UNIONIST 

8,431 UNIONIST 

NATIONALIST 



18,670 

10,530 UNIONIST 

8,942 UNIONIST 



7,376 3,981 11,357 19,472 

9,200 

10,559 

10,639 

6,007 

5,573 



2,153 



UNIONIST 
... UNIONIST 
... UNIONIST 
... UNIONIST 
436 NATIONALIST 



41,978 
9,621 
10,711 
15,206 
13,270 



2,589 



UNIONIST 
UNIONIST 
UNIONIST 
UNIONIST 



8,643 48,808 



Province of Ulster — Continued 



Boroughs 


Rep. 


elfast, Cromac . . 


997 


Duncairn 


271 


Falls .... 


3,245 


Ormeau . 


338 


Pottinger 


393 


St. Anne's 


1,341 


Shankill . 


534 


Woodvale 


1,247 


Victoria . 


395 


otal 


8.761 



Nat. 



2,449 



Self-Det. 

Vote 

997 

2,720 

11,733 

338 

393 

1,341 



Un. Ind. Un. Seat won by 
11,459 2,508 UNIONIST 

11,637 UNIONIST 

NATIONALIST 

UNIONIST 
UNIONIST 
UNIONIST 
IND. UNION. 



7,460 4,833 

8,574 3,172 

9,155 1,752 

534 15,514 

1,247 12,232 UNIONIST 

395 12,778 IND. UNION 



10,937 19,698 60,517 40,557 



Derry City § 7,335 120 7,455 7,020 REPUBLICAN 

Total for Ulster.. 153,253 73,451 226,704 242,044 43,146 



The percentage of votes in Ulster follows : 



Cavan 
Donegal . . 
Monaghan 
Tyrone . . . 
Fermanagh 
Armagn . . 
Derry 

Down 

Antrim . . . 



Self-Det. 
Vote 


Un. 


Total 


100 




100 


90 


10 


100 


83 


17 


100 


55 


45 


100 


54 


46 


100 


41 


59 


100 


?>7 


63 


100 


30 


70 


100 


15 


85 


100 



Summary. 

The percentages of votes throughout Ireland follow: 

Self-Det. 

Rep. Nat. Vote Un. 

For Leinster 68.6 25.57 94.17 5.8 

For Connaught 81.8 18.2 100.0 0.0 

For Munster 91.0 8.0 99.0 1.0 

For Ulster 30.0 14.3 44.3 47.3 

FOR ALL IRELAND 63.6 15.7 79.3 17.8 



Ind. Un. 


Total 


0.0 


100 


0.0 


100 


0.0 


100 


8.4 


100 


2.9 


100 



Total Votes for All Ireland. 









Self-Det. 






Rep. 


Nat. 


Vote 


Un. 


Including Universities.. 


. 971,735 


239,781 


1,211,516 


271,455 


Excluding Universities. 


. 969,973 


238,711 


1,208,684 


268,064 



Ind. Un. Total 
43,939 1,526,910 
43,146 1,519,894 



SOME POINTS FROM SPEECHES 

1. If the Irish question did not exist, it would be well for the world at 
this time to invent it. 

2. It is fortunate that the question of Ireland's recognition arises. It is 
doubly fortunate that America is strong enough to decide this question boldly, 
without fear, in the way its conscience prompts. 

3. Ireland's cause is not Ireland's cause only — it is the cause of the world. 
It is the cause of right and of justice, and of true democracy everywhere. 

4. If I were an American, I would make it the supreme object of my life 
on earth to win for my country the distinction of securing now for mankind, 
in peace, what millions have so far died for, vainly, in war — justice as the basis 
of international right, and self-determination of nations a principle in practice. 
Ireland's claim furnishes America the opportunity. 

5. This question of recognition is distinctly an American question. The 
decision is yours, and yours only — yours to say whether you shall continue to 
recognize the government of might in Ireland, or begin now to recognize the 
government of right. 

6. We are not asking the American Government to begin "meddling" in 
this dispute between Ireland and Britain. If you use that word — you have 
meddled. You are meddling. You are at this moment according official recog- 
nition to England's government in Ireland. You are denying it to Ireland's 
government in Ireland. You are refusing to recognize the government of right. 
You are recognizing the government of might, and even supporting it. The 
monies borrowed from you maintain England's army of occupation in Ireland. 

7. The Irish Republic exists. Its shackles serve but to make its reality 
the more concrete. It is not destroyed when individuals or nations plunge 
their heads into the sand and say they cannot see it. It is there — recognized 
or not, and it can be destroyed only by the power that brought it into being — 
the will of the Irish people. 



8. When we say England we mean the British Government — the English 
ruling classes. 

9. The Irish do not hate England or the English. They hate rule by the 
foreigner, good or bad — most bitterly the bad. Why not? 

10. The Irish desire peace with England, as with the rest of the world. 
If England desired peace she would cease her usurpation in Ireland. 

11. It is not the Irish who are wilfully disturbing the world's peace. It 
is not they who are the aggressors — it is the British. 

12. The British can end this question in an hour by withdrawing their 
troops. The Irish on their side can end it only by sacrificing their nationhood 
and their national rights to self-determination and freedom. Which ought to 
yield? 

13. Ireland would have to give up what is hers — her own — her very life. 
England would only have to give up that which is not hers to keep — that which 
she got by robbery, and that which she persists in retaining only because of her 
selfishness and her greed. 

14. Ireland cannot will her own annihilation. It has cost her 750 years 
of blood and tears to hold on to her individual existence and she will not 
relinquish it now. 

15. Empires die. Nations that have not willed their own destruction live. 
Ireland will be free if we have to await the end of the British Empire for it. 



16. The Irish nation is one nation, not two, as homogeneous as any nation 
upon the earth; but under England's influence the elements of Irish life are 
made to appear to repel each other. 

17. Ireland's domestic differences are differences of divergent political / 
ideals — the one national, the other imperial. 



18. Religion is involved only as a rack on the pegs of which England 
exhibits Ireland's political differences before the world. 

19. Religion is no more really at the bottom of the Irish struggle than it 
is at the bottom of the Egyptian, of the Indian, or of the Korean struggle. The 
basis of all these is the same — it is nationalism versus imperialism. 

20. A' religious fight — what nonsense! Catholic Ireland fought Catholic 
England. Protestant Ireland fought Protestant England. Tht English Catho- 
lic Norfolks have been the bitterest opponents of the Catholic Irish. The* 
Norfolks stood on Carson's platforms and gave him material support. They 
worked at Rome for British Imperialism against Irish Nationalism, and won a 
measure of success, too, as history shows. 

21. Almost every outstanding leader of note in the nineteenth century 
era has been Protestant, Republican and Nationalist — Wolfe Tone, Russell, 
McCracken, Orr, Lord Edward FitzGerald, Robert Emmet, John Mitchell, 
Thomas Davis, Smith O'Brien, Butt, Parnell. If the Irish cause were a 
religious cause— a Catholic cause — would the leaders of it have been chosen 
from the opposing creed? Protestants and Catholics alike have suffered death 
for Irish liberty. It is a monstrous imposition on human credulity, this 
pretence that the Irish struggle against England is a religious one or a Roman 
one. 

22. If it be that a motive for the struggle is sought, why will people blind 
themselves to the obvious? What inspired Washington and Jefferson, Hofer 
and Tell, and national patriots in every land from the dawn of history to the 
recent war? If the liberty of their country was sufficient motive for their 
struggles, why should it not be considered sufficient for ours? 

23. Every nation striving for its independence from foreign rule had to 
combat a minority of "Tories" and "Loyalists" such as Washington had to 
combat in his day and we in Ireland have to combat in ours. There is nothing 
peculiar in Ireland's having its minority. 

24. When the word "Ulster" occurs to the average American there springs 
immediately to his mind the concept of an Irish province with fixed, well- 
defined historical boundaries, within which resides a people forming a solid, 
homogenous block, differing in race, religion and political outlook from the 
other inhabitants of the island. There is no such Ulster in Ireland. 

25. There is in Ireland nowhere any area of size in which there is a solid, 
homogeneous, political or religious block such as this "Ulster" which British 
propaganda has suggested to Americans. There is no such racial block. This 
Ulster is a thing of the mind only, non-existent in the world of reality. 

Those who believed it existed must have received a shock when they dis- 
covered that this vivid entity of their thought, whose territorial outline on a 
map of Ireland they believed they themselves could trace in a few minutes, 
could not be determined by the British Prime Minister. 

26. Lloyd George could find no boundaries when he wanted them for his 
bill in the British Parliament. He could not and cannot find other than purely 
arbitrary boundaries because no definite fixed boundaries exist. That area in 
Ulster where the Unionists dominate, because they are in a majority there, 
changes in size from election to election in accordance with the fortunes of 
their political party. Moreover, that area has within it, and within every part 
of it, a minority just as strongly opposed to union with Britain as the Unionists 
are in favor of it — a relatively much larger minority, too, than the Unionists 
in the whole. 

Hence the cutting off of this part of Ireland from the rest, even if it were 
otherwise unobjectionable, would not solve the problem of minorities. It 
would simply create two minority questions instead of one. Of course, the 
problems of minorities is one inseparable from democracy. If the people are 
to rule the majority must govern, and in a final contest neither the desires nor 
even in the interests of the minority can be allowed to stand in the way of those 
of the majority. Minorities may fairly claim, and are entitled to justice; 
they cannot claim a veto. 



5.0 I 






•0," 

























i <• o 



















*f> 
























0^ 









o 










•A 



■\ 



^ 






K^ 





4q 



-<. 



O 



% 

% 




~ c „ r£> 






I^W 






.> 



O ,<^ V , * a ^ ^ 



■4? . 







A 9. 







.* 






A V 






/ 



» o 



*v 



v» 




;i' 



>**\ • 



O H ,0 















A * 



^ 

*£ 



cy 



r- 



**. 



° 












v: 

COBBS BROS. 

LIBRARY BINDING 









<" 



5 A° 



* * • - 



SEP 69 

ST. AUGUSTINE 



,f 







«5 °^ : 

SI. «UOUOIIHt ,* < ,f > O 

jR^/LA. 






